Lessons from Past Revolutions, for Egypt & Tunisia

Egyptians gesture next to an Army soldier on top of a tank in Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo, Egypt , Saturday, Feb. 12, 2011. Cries of "Egypt is free" rang out and fireworks lit up the sky as hundreds of thousands danced, wept and prayed in joyful pandemonium after 18 days of peaceful pro-democracy protests forced President Hosni Mubarak to surrender power to the military, ending three decades of authoritarian rule. (AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti)

Revolution is not an end but rather, a beginning. As difficult as it is to overthrow an autocratic regime, it is even harder to create a new government which stands by the ideology of the uprising. In this, like so many other facets of life, it is far easier to destroy than to build. The people of Egypt and Tunisia are to be commended for their peaceful path to self-determination, but challenges abound on the road ahead.

While only time will tell what the future holds, Egypt and Tunisia may learn from the results of other revolutions. Former Ukrainian Prime Minister, Yulia Tymoschenko writes of the betrayal of her country’s revolution in Al Jazeera and in Common Ground News, Sri Murniati speaks of the lessons Tunisia can learn from Indonesia’s transition to democracy.

In Ukraine, the excitement of the Orange Revolution has slowly faded and Tymoshenko warns that democracy is under attack only six years after the revolution.  Freedom does not end with democratic elections as there is still risk of old regimes and extremist minorities hijacking the new democracy.  For instance, Tymoshenko expresses concern that the current president is concentrating political power little by little and limiting the democratic system for which the revolutionaries fought.

Democratic elections must be supplemented with extensive and honest debate, fostering open understanding of party issues and voters’ choices.  Rule of law must be binding and when these expectations are violated dissidents must be banned from future political opportunities and election.

“Stealing elections, suppressing the vote, and behaving in contempt of the rule of law are negations of democracy. Those who engage in them must be seen as democracy’s enemies – and treated as such. A second lesson follows from this. The fact that a government has been democratically elected does not mean that the cause of freedom has prevailed. The rest of the world must not turn a blind eye to authoritarian backsliding.”

Tymoshenko suggests that one important way to protect a democratic revolution is by supporting a genuine civil society.  In Ukraine, establishing civil society and freedom of speech has ensured an open space for citizens to make decisions for themselves.  Civil society is essential to freedom and democracy and must be fostered and supported.

“Where civil society remains underdeveloped, every problem filters up to the ‘Big Man’ squatting at the top. So the more power is concentrated at the center, the more it becomes possible for anti-democratic forces to gain—or regain—control over a country.”

Similarly, Murniati asserts that in Indonesia, the democratic institutions thrive on the freedom of speech and especially the free press.  In May 1998, when power was transferred to the vice president, Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie, control of freedom of expression was quickly loosened and hundreds of publications emerged, playing the role of watchdog to the new government.

Free to monitor and criticize, Indonesia’s media thoroughly covered the elections, analyzing parties’ policies and reporting any irregularities and in June of 1999, Indonesians went to the polls with their choice of 48 political parties.  The results produced a small number of prominent parties and the party system was then simplified.  Without forcing this elimination process, it happened naturally, democratically.

“Indonesia’s democracy is still far from perfect and Indonesians must continue to tackle challenges to democracy, but their experience shows us that no matter who leads Tunisia during its transitional phase, guaranteeing freedom of expression and paving the way for political liberalisation can smooth the transition to democracy.”

Based on the lessons learned from previous revolutions, Egypt and Tunisia must move forward with outlets fostering both criticism and solidarity. Strengthening the capacity of civil society has been a cornerstone of SFCG’s work in both Indonesia and Ukraine, because a vibrant and robust civil society fosters pluralism and acts as a bulwark against repression. Tunisians and Egyptians have already demonstrated their engagement and participation in the process of transforming their governments but we should remember that it is a process and one that requires lasting commitment.

What do you think the people of Egypt and Tunisia can do to assure the democracy they fought for?